Abstract: This paper outlines some
of the major principles of media education as it
is practised throughout the world today and discusses some of Its
most Important
implications. It attempts toshow how current practice has evolved
out of earlier, less
satisfactory paradigms of media education, and provides a brief
critique these
paradigms. Finally the paper suggests some points for future growth
In the subject.
Resume: Dans cet article, nous voulons soullgner quelques
prlnclpes importants,
apliques aujourd'hui partout dans le monde, domaine de I'etude des
medlas. Nous discuterons egalement de quelques unes deses implications
les plus
Importantes. Nous tenterons de demontrer coment les pratiques actueles
ont
evolue a partlr des paradlgmes plus ou molnsatisfalsants dont nous
ferons une
breve critique. Flnalement nous aportons quelquesugestions quant
a1'evolutlon
de I'etude des medlas.
This article has a simple agenda. It wil atempto describe the major
principles of media education as it has developed acros the world
in past decade, culminating in the publication of invaluable Media
Literacy Resource Guide in Ontario 1989.1 wil try to demonstrate
how those principles developed out of earlier, less satisfactory,
attempts to teach about the media. And I will try to suggest some
ways forward for the 1990s. My simple agenda, then, has three parts:
Where are we today? How did gethere? might go from here? In order
to provide a specific focus to this synoptic account I shall try
and outline the different answers that have been given in different
historical periods to that most fundamental of questions, "Why
should we bother study or teach abouthe mediat al? What is it, as
teachers, that we are trying to achieve?
Media teachers, have, in the past, given three different answers
to that question and those different answers (and the practices
that followed from them) form the three great historical paradigms
of media education. Thearliest answer to the question: Why study
media? ran something like this: "The mass media are really
likea kind of disease against which children need to be protected.
What the media infect is the culture as a whole. The common culture
is contaminated by the media's comercial motivations, their manipulation
and exploitation of their audiences, their corruption of language
and their
offering of easy, low-level appeals and satisfactions". What
makes the media such a problem on this analysis is the fact that
they produce a counterfeit culture which is a direct threat to genuine
culture, and to authentic cultural values. Crucially, this is an
audience problem. It is not simply that popular culture and high
culture cannot somehow co-exist. Clearly, at one level, they can.
The threat comes
through the coruption of audience. The future serious literature,
Quenie Leavis argued in 1932, inher bookFiction and the Reading
Public, was absolutely dependent upon the continued existence of
a serious literate readership to sustain it. And contemporary newspapers,
magazines, and advertisements were actively destroying that serious
reading public. The media demanded, and therefore produced, shorter
attention spans and an appetite for the sensational expressed in
slick, smart and superficial language. This constituted an attack
upon the very foundations of serious reading and indeed serious
engagement with any art form. It is salutary to remember that these
arguments were being fully articulated in the pre-television era.
They were a response primarily to changes which had taken place
in the economics of newspaper production in the late 19th century.
When advertising revenue rather than readers' payments formed the
basis of newspaper finance, there were coresponding changes in the
content and form of newspapers. Stories became shorter and more
fragmented. Headlines were used to attract attention, and there
was less emphasis upon information within stories, and more upon
the human interest element. In short, with the movement towards
financing primarily by advertising, the modern press was born. Essentially
now newspapers made their profits nothrough the production of news,
buthrough the production of audiences, and all of the techniques
I have described were designed precisely to hook and hold audience
attention, to create the audience commodity.
If the media were a definite kind of cultural disease, then media
education was designed to provide protection against it. Media education
was an education against the media, and contrasted the manipulative
nature of the media with the timeless values of real culture, as
embodied supremely in literature. That earliest paradigm is sometimes
known as the inoculative paradigm. You allow a little media material
into the classroom only in order to inoculate the student more effectively
against it. On the whole, media teachers today represent a powerful
lobby against that way of thinking about the media. But it is still
probably the way in which most other teachers continue to think
abouthe media. And you wil still see remnants of that old inoculative
view within the most progressive media education practice. For example,
teaching about advertising is still almost universally teaching
against advertising, rather than an attempt to develop an understanding
of the role and function of modern advertising agencies.
What efectively put an end to the dominance (though nothexistence)
of inoculative paradigm was the arrival in schools in the early
1960s of a generation of young teachers whose intellectual formation
owed every bit as much to the influence of popular culture, and
particularly films, as it did to print-based culture. Such teachers
were apt to argue that the films of directors such as Bergman, Renoir,
Bunuel, Fellini and in particular the French New Wave directors
actually had as much intellectual energy and moral seriousness as
anythingthat was beingproduced within European or American literature.
They produced a new answer to the question: Why study media? It
was enable students to discriminate not againsthe media but within
them. To tel the difference, that is, between the good and the bad
film, the authentic and the shoddy television programme, work within
popular culture of some integrity and work which was merely commercial
and exploitative.
This was the Popular Arts paradigm — the idea that popular culture
was every bit as capable of producing authentic works of art as
high culture. It gave Media Education a new agendand renewed energy
in the 1960s, but by mid-1970s almost al of that energy had ben
disipated. There were thre principal reasons, I think, why the Popular
Arts paradigm failed to produce an adequate foundation for effective
media teaching.
1) Firstofall,mediaeducationwasstillessentiallyprotectionist. Itwasstill
a somewhat paternalistic exercise in improving students' tastes.
It was still based on a very negative view of the media preferences
of the vast majority of students, and was always likely to be resisted
by them for this very reason.
2) Secondly it remained an evaluative paradigm, which was severely
disabled by the fact that there were no widely agreed standards
or criteria available for evaluating the media. Media teachers found
themselves on very uncertain territory when they wanted to demonstrate
precisely why this newspaper or television programe piece of popular
music was superior to that one. There was also a dangerous tendency
for good to be equated with midle-clas, and bad working-clas tastes.
The kind of media material which teachers tended to like - European
films shown in film societies, television documentaries, and serious
newspapers - was self-evidently good. Hollywood movies, tabloid
newspapers, and television game shows - the kind of material liked
by students - were bad.
3) Thirdly, it was not simply a question of the practical difficulties
of discriminating betwen the god and bad in media. There were major
doubts about the very appropriateness of applying aesthetic criteria
at all to a vast range of media output. Was there really any point
in trying to discriminate, for example, between good and bad news
buletins, advertisements, sports programes or weather forecasts?
The Popular Arts movement was, essentially, a way of legitimising
film studies. It privileged film, within the study of the media,
as the one popular form with unchallengable claims to have produced
works of authentic merit. But it provided a distinctly limited way
of illuminating the medias a whole. Andbythe 1970s it was becoming
crystal clear that any media education that was to have relevance
at al for students had to give some pre-eminence not so much to
film, which was actually somewhat marginal to thexperience of most
students, buto television which was much more central to their experience.
It was clear, then, by the mid-1970s that the Popular Arts paradigm,
as a way of making sense of all of the media, was exhausted. No
other coherent way of thinking abouthe medias a whole hadyet emerged,
however. Mostof the 1970s are best characterised as a period ofragmentation
of the subject. A typical media studies course of the time, for
example, might have consisted a term's work on film, a term on television,
some work on advertising, a little time on popular music, and so
on, with teachers and students bringing to bear upon each of these
areas, approaches and questions which tended to be topic-specific
and to have little in common with one another. The idea that there
might be over-arching key concepts, or a particular mode of inquiry
which could integrate and unite the different parts of the subject
had not yet arrived. It was, as yet, difficult to think of media
studies as a coherent and disciplined area of study at all.
Slowly, however, during the late 1970s media teachers began to make
conections betwen their own down-to-earth clasrom concerns and the
drift of a number of structuralist ideas, particularly in the areas
semiotics and ideology. Very briefly, semiotics made two major contributions
to media education:
1) It exploded the media's own view of themselves as windows on
world, or unproblematic mirrors or reflectors of external reality.
The media, rather, were actively produced, their mesages encoded.
The media, in other words, mediated. They were sign-systems which
neded to be critically read, rather than reflections of a reality
which we, as the audience, had to accept.
Semiotics, then, helped establish the first principle of media education,
the principle of non-transparency. And it helped establish the dominant
concept of media education as being that of representation. The
media dealt with representations and not realities, and media meanings
could not be pulled apart from the forms in which they were expressed.
2) Semiotics' second great contribution to media education was scarcely
less momentous. As we have sen, the objective of media education
up until this point had been to encourage discrimination. The value
question - precisely how good is this newspaper, film or television
programme - was central to the whole project. Semiotics overturned
al of this. To take just onexample: when Roland Barthes in his key
work, Mythologies, analysed a striptease act, a plate of steak and
chips, a tourist guide, or a wrestling-match, he was challenging,
by his very choice of subjects, established cultural categories,
tastes and values. For if a plate of steak and chips or a striptease
act were to be as worthy of serious atention analysis as, say, a
poem, then daring equation had ben made betwen these cultural objects.
Semiotics undermined, at a stroke, those apparently immutable distinctions
between the culturally valuable and the meretricious upon which
media studies, and literary studies before it, had been based. Both
of these aspects of semiotics—its emphasis upon questions of representation,
and its by-passing of the value question — were of inestimable value
in marking a distinct break with literary-based ways of analysing
the media. And they particularly illuminated the nature of television,
whilst having a surprising degre of potency acros al the media.
They provided media studies with precisely the kind of cros-media
coherence subject had so far ben lacking, and they firmly grounded
media studies in the dominant visual (i.e., televisual) experiences
of students.
The way in which theories of ideology moveduring the 1970s curiously
dovetailed with these developments. Athe risk of grotesquely over-simplifying
a rather complex set of arguments, I think we can say thathere was
certainly marked movement away from that traditional notion of ideology
as a body of dominant ideas and practices imposed from above upon
subordinate groups which resulted in false consciousness. Rather,
following the rediscovery of the work of Antonio Gramscin thearly
1970s, ideology came to bequated with comon-sense, with what was
most natural and taken-for-granted about our ideas and practices.
Dominance was achieved, that is, as much by consent as by imposition.
These developments in semiology and ideology pointed precisely the
same direction. It was a direction that had profound implications
for all media teachers. They pointed to the fact that the ideological
power of the media was very much tied up with the naturalnes of
image, and tendency media to pass off encoded, constructed messages
as natural ones. They demonstrated, too, that questions of power
were central to discusions abouthe production, circulation and consumption
of images and representations. They raised questions about which
groups had the power to define, and which groups were only ever
defined. They established, in other words, the importance of a politics
representation, and thrust media studies into the heart of some
of the most important political and social questions of our time.
I have emphasised the shift from a Popular Arts paradigm which was
principaly concerned with questions of aesthetic value to a representational
paradigm, the third which placed questions of politics and power
at its centre because I think that that shift lay at the heart of
most of the debates and discusions which were taking place within
the media education movement during the 1980s. What was being achieved,
I think, was a fairly massive movement out of one paradigm and into
the other, and what was being worked out were some of the more radical
implications that sh ift. For what son became
apparent was that we were talking about something more than a change
in subject content. What was being proposed were radical changes
in teaching objectives, in classroom methodology, and indeed in
epistemology, in teachers' and students' understanding of what constituted
knowledge.
I can do no more than very briefly indicate some of the more important
implications of the new media studies. First of all, and perhaps
most remarkably, it de-centred the teacher in a number of ways which
many found unsetling. Teachers were no longer thexperts - the licensed
arbiters of truth or taste in
quite the way thathey had ben and inded stil were in more traditional
subjects. In the media class any group of students was always likely
to have a far widerange of popular cultural references at its disposal
than any single teacher could have. The expertise which existed
in the classroom was much more widely dispersed.
Secondly, teachers no longer posesed an aproved body of knowledge
or corpus of information to which they alone held the key, and were
expected to pas down students. What Paulo Freire condemned as the
banking concept of education, in which knowledgeable teachers deposited
information upon ignorant students, did not seem to apply to media
studies. Indeed media teachers did not control information at all.
The information which was around in the media studies classroom
was being provided by the media themselves. They were comunicating
it lateraly rather than hierarchicaly, speaking acros rather than
down to their audiences. And they adresed teachers and students
alike. The media equalised teachers and students. Both werequaly
equal objects of the media's adres. This produced a quite new situation
in classroom. Teachers and their students became co-investigators
of media images and texts. They could reflect criticaly upon information,
side by side, in a way which had been difficult when the teacher
was more closely identified with the subject content.
Media education de-centred the teacher in other ways too. Teaching
methodologies became much more student-centred. Simulations, practical
work, sequencing exercises, prediction exercises, code-breaking
games and a whole battery of techniques to encourage active learning
were developed since it was esential to give students the confidence
begin take control of their own learning and to make their own independent
judgments.
Why was this important? Wel, one reason that if media education
to be of any value at al, it had thought as a lifelong proces. Media
education was not going to be of much value unlestudents were wilingand
able to aply whathey learned at schol their consumption of media
outside school. Indeed, it was not going to be of much use unless
students had the ability, comitment and interesto cary their critical
thinking abouthe media into adult life. When teachers tok a lifelong
perspective on their work, clasrom practices began to change in
a number of ways:
1) High student motivation became an end in itself, rather than
a form of pil-sugaring. Simply, if students did not find the subject
enjoyable and fulfilling, then the teacher had failed. Students
would not wish to go on learning about and engaging with the mediafter
they had pased beyond the gates of schol.
2) Having a lifelong perspective meant that it was essential to
teach for transfer. It was never enough for a media teacher to help
students gain an insight into that specific newspaper article or
television documentary. It is always necessary for students and
teachers to move beyond an understanding of specific texts towards
an the general principles which would have relevance to the analysis
of similar texts.
What was important about media education was not so much what students
knew, but whether they could use and aply whathey knew to new situations
and new texts. The objective here was to developstudents' critical
autonomy: their ability to stand upon own two fet and apply informed
critical judgements to media texts which they would encounter in
the future.
3) The desire to encourage critical autonomy, increase student motivation,
and develop lifelong abilities pushed teachers into using teaching
methodologies which encouraged independent learning. Media education
became, too, primarily an investigative process which encouraged
understanding rather than an initiatory proces designed to develop
apreciation or to impose specificultural values. It was organised
around key ideas (selection, construction, mediation, representation,
coding, etc.) which were taught via spiral rather thanalinear curiculum,
and were taught as analytical tools rather than as a kind of alternative
content. Media education also involved a quite new integration of
analytical work and practical activity. Critical analysis had to
be informed by some sense of the constraints of production. Practical
work, for its part, had to involve more than a set of merely technical
competencies. It had to be critical and reflective, fed back into
analysis. What media education aimed toachieve at its best was a
fusion of practical criticism and critical practice.
Finally, what all of this added up to was a distinctive epistemology.
It involved a revaluation of what knowledge was and how it was produced.
Knowledge was not simply something which existed in the world-out-there,
and which was relayed to students via textbooks and teachers. It
was not something which others possessed and students lacked. It
was not something that students had only to accommodate to, or which
oppressed them with its weight and certainty. Knowledge and ideas,
on the contrary could be actively produced and created by students
through a process of investigation and reflection. The worldout
-there wasn't the proper end of education, but its starting point.
What all of this amounted to in the 1980s was a really quite remarkable
educational revolution which was being carried out at a time of
general educational conservatism. To return to my original focussing
question. The answer which this third paradigm - the representational
gave to question 'Why Study the Media?', went something like this:
In contemporary societies media are self-evidently important creators
and mediators of social knowledge.
An understanding of the ways in which the media represent reality,
the techniques they employ, and the ideologies embedded within their
representations oughto be an entitlement for al citizens and future
in a democratic society".
As I have sugested, in working through the implications of this
paradigm, teachers found themselves working ineways in the clasrom.
In fact, they were begining to answer what is probably the most
important question faced by educational systems in the late 20th
century and beyond: What constitutes an effective democratic education
for majorities of future citizens? Media teachers should be saluted
for producing some inovative and exciting answers to that question.
And this at a time when educational systems have tended to move
in the oposite direction, towards greater diferentiation and elitism,
when even such ideals as equality of opportunity have been subjected
to widespread denigration.
So much for the past and the present. What of the future? In what
ways will media education have to change andevelop through the 190s?
Let me sugest two related points for future growth:
1) I think we will need to wake up to the full implications of the
marketing revolution which has been taking place since theearly
1980s. The growth and expansion of comercialy-based media during
thatime has produced a situation in which advertising can no longer
be seen as something which takes place between programmes on television,
or in the spaces around the editorial material in the press. Rather,
the whole of the media has now ben opened up, not simply to advertising
buto a whole range of marketing techniques such as product placement,
public relations, sponsorship, plugs for films and records, advertisements,
news management, and the creation of disinformation in a way which
makes old distinctions between advertising and editorial material
almost obsolete. Similarly it isimply not posible for anyone to
be media literate today if he or she does not understand that the
primary function'of commercial media is the segmentation and packaging
of audiences for sale to advertisers. Up until now media education
has ben based upon a premise of the most astonishing naivety: that
the primary function of the media has ben the production of information
or entertainment. What we have principaly studied in media education
ben texts: television programmes, newspaper stories, and magazine
articles for example.
Buthese are nothe chief products of the media. They what Dalas Smythe
has called the free lunch: the means by which the real product of
the media, from which its profits are derived - audience product
is summoned into existence. What I am suggesting here is not simply
that we beef up our teaching about advertising and marketing as
a topic. Rather, a critical understanding of the basic techniques
and tenets of marketing will need to be broughto bear upon the study
of al media texts and institutions wil have as central a place in
the analysis of today's media as such concepts as authorship had
within filmstudies in the 1960s, and representation and ideology
had in the 1980s.
2) The second area of concern is realy the obverse first. For growth
of commercial media has been accompanied by the increasing impoverishment
of public service and pluralistic media. The spaces in which we,
as members of society, can comunicate with one another without governmental
or commercial interference are being closed down dramatically. In
Britain, for example the great media debate of the 1990s wil concern
the future of BC, and whether inded it has a as a cheaply and universaly
available high quality public service paid for by an annual licence-fee.
As media teachers I think that we are going to have to develop an
explicit comitmento the principles of open and universal aces to
information, and to preserving the independence, from undue commercial
influence or government interference, of at least some information
producers. As teachers working within public educational systems
I believe that we do have a de facto commitment to the maintenance
and defence of public information systems, and that we have to find
ways of expressing this not in terms of an uncritical partisanship
or on the basis of a narow anti-comercialism, but rather as an open
and generous
alegiance to democratic values. And that entails, as always, puting
al of the arguments to our students but leaving them with the responsibility
for making their own choices.
Make no mistake, very large isues are at stake in strugles over
the future configuration of the media industries. Should information
be regarded only as a commodity or does it have a social value?
Is it preferable to produce information which mets general social
neds or information makes a profit? Is aces
to information a right, or should it be restricted those who can
pay? Is information only an extension of property rights or does
it lie in the public domain? It iscarcely an exageration to say
thathe future shape of al cultures lies in the ways in which they
answer these questions.
The existence of an informed and articulate public opinion on these
issues will be an important — perhaps the importan influence on
how these isues are setled. It is our importantask as media teachers
in the 190s and beyond to help create that informed public. For
that is one of the slender threads upon which the future of media
freedom, and ultimately democratic freedom, hangs.
REFERENCES
Barthes, R. (1972). Mythologies. London: Cape.
Friere, P. (1972). Pedagogy of the opresed. London: Penguin.
Leavis, Q. D. (1932). Fiction and the reading public. London:
Chatto & Windus.
Ontario Ministry of Education (1989). Media literacy. Toronto:
Ontario Ministry
of Education.
AUTHOR
Len Masterman is Professor of Education at University of Nottingham,
School of
Education, Inservice Training Unit, University Park, Notingham,
England
NG7 2RD. Copyright for this article resides with Dr. Masterman.
6 L Masterman
September 1992
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